Dover Beach Essays (1364 words) - Dover Beach, Matthew Arnold

Dover Beach Dover Beach: Beauty Hides Pain Poet, Matthew Arnold, presents a very real theme of love in his poem, Dover Beach. Where he creates a scene of beauty among the sea and shores, mixed with night and moonlight, he also is presenting us with the underlying misery, which is easily over looked and disregarded. Arnold writes, really, of love and loss, and relates it to beauty with hidden misery. The first stanza of the poem paints a picture for the reader of beautiful nighttime off the shores of England and France, where the water and the moonlight reflect each other's beauty. ?The sea is calm tonight / The tide is full, the moon lies fair / Upon the straits;? (1-3). But, as the poem goes on, Arnold reveals the same secret misery to the reader that the scene eventually reveals to the speaker. He talks of the surface beauty of the world that disguises what has happened in the past. This is Arnold's way of expressing to us that love is ?love? because of all it's beauty, happiness, and perfection. But, only certain loves are true, so in other words, like the world holds much sadness in its' history, love as well becomes saddened or lost, or holds great potentials to be saddened or lost. on the French coast the light / Gleams and is gone;? (3-4). The French coast has a sadder history because of the French defeat in the battles, which Arnold writes of. The coast of England has the same sad essence because of the losses of life, but the English were not defeated, so, in turn, the cliffs of England stand, Glimmering and vast, out in the tranquil bay? (4-5). Like the light on the French coast ?Gleams and is gone,? so does love that ends. It shines and brightens people's loves until it fades out. In the other situation, the shores of England maintain their brightness, glimmering forever over a calm bay. This is a love that never dies, but always shines, forever, over ?tranquil? times; this is a relationship that lasts and manages itself without rough waters or times. The speaker in this poem is afraid to lose his love. It is evident that he loves his woman greatly, but as he looks out over the beautiful scene, which hides so much that is not beautiful, he is afraid that his great love for her does, too, hold a hidden sadness that will one day end. Ah, love, let us be true To one another! For the world, which seems To lie before us like a land of dreams, So various, so beautiful, so new, Hath really neither joy, nor love, nor light, (29-33) What the eye sees should be true, but that is not always the case. When two people have love, or are in love, it also should be true, but that as well is not always the case. The speaker is pleading with his lover to be true in love with him. He feels somewhat let down by the fact that two things in this world, which should be true ? what one sees, and love, can very easily not be true. He is afraid. The entire structure of the poem goes from true beauty and peace gradually out to fake beauty and fake peace. It begins with beautiful scenery and ends with the vision of clashing armies. It is the deterioration from something great into something that isn't. This in itself represents the fading-out of love. Love begins so intense and untainted, and gradually deteriorates outward or downward to nothing. The turning point in the poem begins to appear where Arnold writes: Listen! you hear the grating roar Of pebbles which the waves draw back, and fling At their return, up the high strand, Begin, and cease, and then again begin, With tremulous cadence slow, and bring The eternal note of sadness in. (9-14) This is also the turning point in love when it goes sour. This is a serene scene shattered by a disturbing noise, which doesn't seem to fit the picture of beauty that he is looking at. This goes for love, too. Arnold writes, ?Listen!? because for two people in love, it is easy to miss the small hints of bad times arising, unless

010 Annotated Bib and MLA Professor Ramos Blog

010 Annotated Bib and MLA Annotated Bibliography Quick Write How do we use sources in college? Using Sources What are the ways you can use sources in your essay? Explain Provide information Examples Credibility Quotes Research data Ideas! Annotated Bibliography An annotated bib is a works cited or references page with additional information added to each citation. You begin with the correct reference citation for your sources. For this assignment we will have at least five sources. Here is a good explanation of  citations in MLA. Explanation and example of an  Annotated Bibliography  from Cornell Example 2  Annotated Bibliography  from Purdue OWL Here is the format: Author(s). â€Å"Article Title.†Ã‚  Source, vol. #, no. #, season year, pp. xx-xx.  Database,  URL. Example: Kong, Les. â€Å"Business Sources for Education Majors.†Ã‚  Education Graduate Students Journal, vol. 75, no. 4, 2014, pp. 12-19.  JSTOR,  jstor.org/stable/52506788. To each entry you will add the annotation, the paragraph or two that explains the source, why you are using it, and its reliability. Each professor you will have in the future may have specific guidelines for what to include in an annotated bibliographic entry. Always follow their instructions. For this assignment, you should include: Summary of Source, 2-4 sentences How you are using it in your report, 1-3 sentences Reliability of source, 1-3 sentences In total, you should have a short paragraph, 4-10 sentences, explaining the three points above. MLA Style We will be going over the 8th edition MLA citation Style. You can look under our  resources page  for MLA or APA guides. There are three things to consider for each style guide you use: Page Formatting In-Text Citations /References Page Here is a  Power Point presentation covering MLA style 8th edition  and the recent changes. Krikorian, Mark. â€Å"Two Immigration Priorities.†Ã‚  National Review, Dec, 2016, pp. 18-20, SIRS Issues Researcher,  www.sks.sirs.com. This article goes into detail on some of the other less talked about factors of the changes in how we deal with illegal immigrants under our new president and his policies. The author is the director of the Center for Immigration Studies so I assume he is a credible expert in immigration. I will use this source to get more specific in my critique of the border wall proposal. Krikorian, Mark. â€Å"Two Immigration Priorities.†Ã‚  National Review, Dec, 2016, pp. 18-20, SIRS Issues Researcher,  www.sks.sirs.com. This article goes into detail on some of the other less talked about factors of the changes in how we deal with illegal immigrants under our new president and his policies. The author is the director of the Center for Immigration Studies so I assume he is a credible expert in immigration. I will use this source to get more specific in my critique of the border wall proposal. In total, you should have a short paragraph, 4-10 sentences, explaining the three points above. Any questions before we move on? Chp 5, â€Å"And Yet† Distinguishing What  You  Say from What  They  Say Chapter 5 (p. 68) introduces you to the term  voice markers  in order to help you distinguish the â€Å"I say† from the â€Å"They say.† This is a very important move since we are now including the â€Å"They say† in your writing. If you do not do this clearly, the reader will be confused as to your position and you may seem to contradict yourself. The templates help you with specific ways of signaling who is saying what, and to embed the voice markers. Being able to distinguish your own view from the common view is a â€Å"sophisticated rhetorical move.† Using â€Å"I† or â€Å"We† The chapter also covers using the first person in academic writing, â€Å"I† or â€Å"we.† You have likely been told to not or never use the I in college writing. The book argues that well-supported arguments are grounded in persuasive reasons and evidence, not in the use of or nonuse of pronouns. Free Write Take the topic you are thinking about researching for your report and write it at the top of a page. For the next five minutes I want you two write down everything you know about it. Do not edit as you write. Just keep writing and see where it takes you. Just keep writing. If you thought runs out, skip a line and start a new thought. Keep writing. Figure out what you know and what you need to research.

Economics Coursework Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Economics - Coursework Example The objective of the essay is to identify the challenges that have punctuated the energy market, the nature of business competition and possible approaches to handling these problems. To achieve this, the essay will point the constraints that exist in the market and use a theoretical approach to examine possible causes for these challenges. This way, it will be possible to make recommendation on how market regulation and demand side management can be used to solve these problems. The UK energy sector has shown a dynamic trend in the last few years with changes in energy prices and consumer expenditure. The Office for National Statistics noted that there was consistent increase in prices of both electricity and gas within the country. Between the year 2011 and 2013, the percentage price changes of both electricity and gas exceeded 10% in the UK. This is contrary to the expectation of the consumer at a time when the government strategic goals were directed towards reduction in the cost energy (Foxon et al., 2000). The poorest households in the UK have been adversely affected by the rise in cost of energy in the UK. Statistics show that the rich household energy costs increased by 1% while the poor households experienced an increase of 3% in cost energy between 2002 and 2012. These changes have been criticized as oppressive and there appears need for change in policies to prevent further increase in the cost of Energy as part of the government’s manifest o to support equity and reduce poverty level. The UK Energy Market Firm market concentration statistics provides a possible explanation for the changes in energy demand and prices within the country. A Herfindal-Hirschman analysis shows that the index remained fairly constant between 2005 and 2008 but increased considerably between the year 2010 and 2013. An increase in the index shows that there is considerable

Republican Party vs Democratic Party Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Republican Party vs Democratic Party - Essay Example The current chairman is Mike Duncan, the senate leader is Mitch McConnell and the house leader is John Boehner. As with all parties, this is divided into different sections to manage different platforms. The Republican National Committee promotes the party's campaign activities. Under this, the Republican National Convention is responsible for raising funds and planning future campaign strategies. Following a more conservative point of view relative to the American-Christian point of view, the party stands for more economic freedom including lower tax rates and limited government intervention. National Defense takes top priority and the Republican Party believes its Americas right to act against any threat they perceive is harmful for the country, like attacking Iraq on a vague hunch and without any potential evidence. The sleek and stealthy deer is making good progress. This party stands as the oldest party in America and up until 2004, it was also the largest political party in America as well. It traces its roots back to Thomas Jefferson who was the co-founder with other important personalities back in 1972 (Democratic Vision, 2008). The present chairman of the party is Howard Dean with Harry Reid as the senate leader and Nancy Pelosi (speaker) and Steny Hoyer (Majority Leader) of the House. Structure The promotion of democratic campaign activities is the responsibility of the Democratic National Committee. It supervises the Democratic National Convention during presidential elections. However, the national convention is the one which has ultimate authority once the party is elected and the national committee is the one in authority when it is not elected. Ideology The party supports social liberalism and progressiveness. This is the reason for its being so popular because it draws loyalty of all types of demographic population in America. Throughout its history, the party has brought relief for the common and relatively struggling man like farmers and laborers. Recently though, the voting majority consists of social liberalists who are in the upper middle class and are well aware of their surroundings. These people prefer a more socially free platform of living their lives as opposed to the Republican Party which takes a much more religious approach. They favor moderate to high spending and a less intrusive enterprise system to work freely. The party strongly holds the opinion of the role of the government to completely eliminate poverty through progressive taxation. Works Cited Robert Allen Rutland. The Republicans: From Lincoln to Bush. University of Missouri Press, 1996 DNC Services Corporation. The Democratic Vision. The Democratic

Charles Lindbergh and American Isolationism Essay

Charles Lindbergh and American Isolationism - Essay Example The interwar movement of peace was dominantly the largest movement of masses during 1920 to 1930; however that mobilization is usually oversight due to a consensus that brought the country to intervene in the world war ll. The investigations of senate about war profiteering and hidden mention deals had widely spread the skepticism of war. A popular figure named Charles Lindbergh had been the diehard isolationist of right wing and he was an executive member of the America First Committee (Gordon). Charles Lindbergh had been the spokesperson of American First Committee (AFC) with extreme views. He had introduced a radical theme into AFC to aid Germany in the war which was strongly opposed by majority supporters of the AFC. Numerous AFC supporters like other majority Americans wanted England to win the war despite no help. A few AFC members only counted for greater freedom and democracy (Rodosh). However Lindbergh had a concern for such values for the world in broader terms. He used to share the racial beliefs and words of many leaders. The first clear anti-Semitic attack committee came in the September and Lindbergh was its author. Since that AFC became more desperate. The issue of Lend – Lease had added aggression to the anti German campaign. The threat of Charles Lindbergh was quite obvious as it was an unconscious paraphrase of Hitler’s threat that he delivered in 1939. The press had an explosive and instant reaction over the overt of Lindbergh. Even the isola tionist newspapers like Hearst had also criticized him the same way. Chicago Tribune had also condemned his statement about Hitlerism Frank Gannet dissociated his newspaper from the committee (Douglas, 2000). The speech of Lindbergh resulted in weakening the isolationism as well as unity of the American First Committee. People like Norman Thomas, Oswald Villard and many others left the committee. However the

Incarceration Rates of Minorities in the US

Incarceration Rates of Minorities in the US With law enforcement poised to eliminate crime and the people who commit it, the building of new jails and prison seem to be the likeliest answer to the problem. Throughout American history, minorities have always been portrayed as dark and evil to name a couple of stereotypes. With the help of television and other means of media the focus has been set to create a mental consciousness to presume every black, Hispanic, and anyone closely related as armed and extremely dangerous. This has cause an unfair disadvantage for people of color, but has left the perception of the white race crystal clean. Just as there are bad people everywhere, there are bad cops, judges, and politicians in every police department, court house, and legislative branch that forge evidence to meet arrest quotas that the system needs to have in place; setup by the elitist to fund their need to have slave labor for their manufacturing companies. Some minorities have been falsely accused and persuaded by police bru tality in order to coerce false confessions, and the judges fall in their place to announce the sentencing. Throughout years of focusing on media events that always place blacks and other minorities in a position of being the bad guy. Today the jail and prison population is primarily made up of blacks. Although there are Hispanics, as well whites, the main overcrowding comes from blacks being locked up on frivolous charges. But there’s a deeper reason behind why this injustice is happening to blacks, and it all stems from the system’s need of the incarceration of minorities. To test the influence of local county politics on minority incarceration rates, data are collected at the county level in most states to create a pooled cross-sectional data set. OLS regression models predicting black, Hispanic, and white incarceration rates in state prison are used in the analysis. Counties ideological orientations and racial and ethnic contextual characteristics significantly impact minority incarceration rates. Greater ideological conservatism within counties is associated with higher rates as a proportion of their population of both black and Hispanic incarceration. Consistent with racial threat theory, results show counties with greater racial and ethnic diversity are more likely to incarcerate blacks and Hispanics. Tests for interaction effects indicate that greater county diversity decreases the punitive effects of ideological conservatism on minority incarceration. Political forces nested within states systematically shape how state government incarceration p ower is distributed across different racial and ethnic groups. (Bridges and Crutchfield, 1988; Greenberg and West, 2001; Western, 2006; Yates, 1997), The punitive paradigm that has characterized U.S. crime policy over the past three decades has led to important concerns about the distribution of one of government’s most intrusive powers; the ability to deprive citizen of their liberty through imprisonment across different racial and ethnic groups. It has been well documented that blacks are six to eight times more likely to be incarcerated relative to whites. (Western, 2006). Hispanics are over three and one-half times more likely to be incarcerated than whites. Blacks and Hispanics, together, account for nearly two-thirds of the state prison population. Disparities such as these within the criminal justice system have long engendered heated debate about principles of equality and civil rights. Imprisonment rates between the states are shown to be a function of a variety of state-level political and legal factors. From this research, there is clear evidence that political forces cause states to incarcerate at widely different rates, with minorities living in a particular state either more or less likely to be imprisoned, depending in part, on the politics within. Yet, while these studies have significantly advanced our understanding of the politics of incarceration, state-level studies often mask the fact that a state’s ‘‘use’’ of incarceration is largely a byproduct of political processes found at the local (county) level of government. When analyzing the politics of incarceration from the bottom up, top-dow n political forces like the partisan control of state-level institutions or state sentencing laws effectively become standardized, suggesting that local politics retains significant leverage over how a state’s imprisonment powers are allocated Given this, however, we know little about the extent to which incarceration rates are systematically tied to local environments and whether local politics systematically shape the imprisonment ratesof racial and ethnic minority groups. Two primary questions motivate this research: Do political forces shaped by the local ideological and racial and ethnic environment affect incarceration rates in ways that are disproportionately detrimental to racial and ethnic minorities? Second, to what extent does the racial and ethnic context interact with localized Ideological orientations to affect minority incarceration rates? Or, put another way, can diversity levels in a given jurisdiction work to strengthen or weaken the propensity of those who might, because of their ideological beliefs, be already more inclined to incarcerate minorities? Conservatives tend to view criminal activity as a matter of personal choice and focus on deterrence and incapacitation based policy responses. Beckett and Western (2001). Conservatives have been more likely to use incapacitation as a means to control a marginalized ‘‘underclass’’ of citizens that threatens the economic and political interests of elites. (Scheingold,1984), In contrast, ideological liberals tend to view crime as a function of structural impediments to success and place more emphasis on crime prevention policies rather than punishment after the fact. Beckett, and Sasson (2004). If ideological conservatives are more inclined to incarcerate, these orientations might also be expected to influence the target of those policies with racial minorities more likely to be targeted relative to whites. (Edsall and Edsall, 1992; Weaver, 2007), Republicans used crime and punishment as an effective tool to realign the political electorate by pursuing law and order policies that linked financially secure fiscal conservatives and middle to lower class conservatives who had little else in common, while blaming street crime and other social ills on a racial (black) underclass, conservative. Republicans made veiled appeals to anti minority hostilities among some lower income conservative whites by enacting punitive crime policies that were implemented in ways that put more blacks in prison, but invoked greater support at the ballot box. Insofar as these political pressures retain their influence on criminal justice policy making at the local level of government, as well as to minorities other  than blacks (i.e., Hispanics), it can be predicted that more conser vative counties will be more likely to incarcerate blacks and Hispanics (as a proportion of their respective population) in state prisons than are more liberal counties. Racial politics shaped by the local racial and ethnic contextual environment are also expected to influence minority incarceration rates. In racial politics literature, significant attention has been paid to social conflict or ‘‘racial threat’’ theory, which offers a ‘‘contextual’’ explanation for minority imprisonment. Dating back to the work of Key (1949), the main idea behind the theory is that when a minority population is small, it represents a relatively minor threat to the interests of the majority. However, as the number of minorities grows, they begin to threaten the economic and political interests of the majority population, increasing hostile attitudes toward minority populations among majority group members. Blalock (1967) argued that a majority groupà ¢â‚¬â„¢s repression of a minority group’s interests was based on two types of perceived threats those motivated by economic competition and those driven by competition over political power. A growing body of research has found evidence of a racial threat effect across a variety of institutional settings. (Hurwitz and Peffley, 1997). If racial hostilities increase in more diverse environments, there are more reasons to predict that these hostilities will spill over to influence criminal justice policy making. ‘‘Old-fashioned’’ white racism often concentrated on a perceived genetic inferiority of blacks to whites. Today, more common white stereotypes involve the perception of blacks as a violent, criminal underclass. These stereotypes, along with the assumption that objective demographic data which show blacks to be disproportionately linked to the U.S. penal system permeates the public’s consciousness to believe that most blacks are violent tha n whites. To a meaningful degree, likely increase the probability that whites associate crime and the criminal justice system with race. In conclusion; this research provides convincing evidence of ‘‘racialized’’ crime policy in the United States. The tendency among some whites to connect race with crime has important implications for state punitiveness and imprisonment of blacks more specifically. Whites who view blacks as violent have been shown to be more supportive of punitive policies like the death penalty and longer prison sentences. Following arguments associated with the racial threat idea, a more racially diverse environment is likely to trigger more negative stereotypes among whites living there, who, as a result, may be more apt to support punitive crime policies, particularly if there is the perception that the target population is black. However, existing tests of the racial threat hypothesis on black incarceration rates have brought mixed results. In so me state-level studies, once black arrest rates and other socioeconomic conditions are controlled, the racial threat hypothesis provides little predictive power (Bridges and Crutchfield, 1988; Yates, 1997). Others have found the proportion of blacks in a state does matter, but in the opposite direction predicted by the racial threat idea black imprisonment rates decreased in states with a greater black population (Yates and Fording, 2005). This mixed set of findings brings the possibility that a more appropriate test of a racial threat effect on imprisonment should be conducted at the local level. Measuring the influence of state racial composition on imprisonment has proven useful because it allows comparisons across jurisdictions; however, these efforts often gloss over the fact that state imprisonment rates are a function of decisions made by county law enforcement officials. If, indeed, incarceration rates are influenced by racial politics, it might be expected that county prose cutors, judges, or public defenders those with authority over prosecuting, sentencing, or defending offenders to/from state prison are most likely to be subject to racial ‘‘effects.’’ Assessing the influence of a racial threat on minority incarceration can also be advanced by considering whether political forces resulting from whites’ exposure to a variety of ethnic and racial minorities, rather than simply their exposure to larger black populations, affects minority imprisonment rates. References Percival, G. L. (2010).Ideology, Diversity, and Imprisonment: Considering the Influence of Local Politics on Racial and Ethnic Minority Incarceration Rates. Social Science Quarterly (Wiley-Blackwell), 91(4), 1063-1082. doi:10.1111/j.1540-6237.2010.00749.x Bridges, George S., and Robert Crutchfield. 1988. ‘‘Law, Social Standing and Racial Disparities cin Imprisonment.’’ Social Forces 66(3):699–724. Western, Bruce. 2006. Punishment and Inequality in America. New York: Russell Sage  Foundation. Beckett, Katherine, and Theodore Sasson. 2004. The Politics of Injustice: Crime and Punishment  in America. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications. Edsall, Thomas B., and Mary D. Edsall. 1992. Chain Reaction: The Impact of Race, Rights,  and Taxes on American Politics. New York: W.W. Nortan Company. Scheingold, Stuart A. 1984. The Politics of Law and Order: Street Crime and Public Policy.  New York: Longman. Blalock, Hubert M. 1967. Toward a Theory of Minority Group Relations. New York: Wiley. Key, V. O. 1949. Southern Politics in State and Nation. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Hurwitz, Jon, and Mark Peffley. 1997. ‘‘Public Perceptions of Race and Crime: The Role of  Racial Stereotypes.’’ American Journal of Political Science 41(2):375–401. Yates, Jeff. 1997. ‘‘Racial Incarceration Disparity Among the States.’’ Social Science Quarterly  78(4):1001–11. Yates, Jeff, and Richard Fording. 2005. ‘‘Politics and State Punitiveness in Black and White.’’  Journal of Politics 67(4):1099–1121.

Pros and Cons of Gene Therapy Essay -- Genetics Science Essays

Pros and Cons of Gene Therapy Gene therapy is thought of by some people as an terrific discovery that could greatly improve the human population and also give people with certain disabilities some glimmer of hope. And on the other side of the coin there is some people that think we have no business playing God. They feel that playing God may possibly cause devastating effects to the human gene pool and may also led to misuse. Merriam-Webster’s Collegiate Dictionary defines gene therapy as the insertion of normal or genetically altered genes into cells usually to replace defective genes especially in the treatment of genetic disorders. By using gene therapy, we can go to t he base of the disorder instead of using drugs to alleviate symptoms. Some diseases that have been treated include ADA Deficiency, familial hypercholesterolemia, cystic fibrosis, cancers that include melanoma, Neuroblastoma, brain tumors and AIDS (Nation al Cancer Institute,1993). Technical Aspects There are three methods used to deliver the genetically altered material. The first method includes either retroviruses or retrotransposons. Retroviruses are viruses that can transfer their own genetic information and also genetically alter the huma n gene. These viruses are unable to copy themselves but still pose a problem in altering protein synthesis when these retroviruses splice a patient’s cells. This is were retroviruses come into play. There are parts of DNA from a cell that â€Å" can copy th emselves onto other sites in the cells genome â€Å" (Glausisus,1996). One type of transposon is a yeast transposon called Ty3. This yeast transposon is still under research. The second method involves blasting genes with a pressurized gun filled with helium (Glausi... ...normal or could led to misuse in other forms. For just these reasons we definitely need RAC (Recombinant DNA Advisory Committee), NIH (National Institutes of Health) and the U.S. Food and Drug Administration. Without these committees the p ossibility of misuse will be greatly enhanced. References 1) Glausisuz,J.(1996).The genes of 1995. 1995:The Year in Science 17,36-38. 2) Macer,D.R.J.Public Acceptance of Human Gene Therapy and Perceptions of Human Genetic Manipualtion.Obtained from the WWW 10/28/96:http//www.biol.tsykuba.ac.jp/~macer/Papers/HGT92:html 3) Britannica On Line: gene therapy. Obtained from the WWW 10/23/96:http://www.eb.com 4) National Cancer Institute.Questions and Answers About Gene Therapy. Obtained from the WWW 10/23/96: http://oncolink.upenn.edu/pdq/600718.html 5) Seligman,J.(1996).Hope for genetic healing. Newsweek,April 15,64.

Climatic Determinism in Aristotle’s Idea of Natural Slavery Essay

One of the more influential texts in ancient literature is Aristotle’s seminal work on governance, â€Å"Politics: A Treatise on Government. † In â€Å"Politics,† Aristotle sought to establish the superiority of Greek social and political order; particularly the rigid segregation between master and slave, by invoking the patterns of organization observed in nature which he perceived to support the moral and natural correctness of Greek society and institutions. Arguably, Hippocrates’ earlier work, â€Å"On Airs, Waters, and Places,† which emphasized the central role of climatic and environmental factors in the development of human beings and societies, plays a huge influence on Aristotle’s treatise particularly in his defense of slavery. In â€Å"Airs, Waters, and Places,† Hippocrates posits that climatic factors are responsible for differences in the physical, mental, and psychological characteristics of human populations. (Hippocrates, Airs, Waters, and Places, 2. ln. 18-20; 13. ln. 7-15) Arguably, most of Aristotle’s assumptions on the nature of relationships between races, individuals, and societies are based on Hippocratic notions of inherent differences in human physical and psychological constitution that arises from differences in climate and the forces of nature. The role of climatic determinism in Aristotle’s ideas about natural slavery is evident in his belief on the decisive part of a nation or society’s location on earth in establishing racial superiority. Among the most obvious evidence of this is his reference to the differences between European, Asian, and Greek populations owing to the differences in geographic location and climate. Aristotle argues that Northern Europeans, on the one hand, were made courageous by the cold climate in their countries but the same climate also made them unintelligent and incapable of dominating others; the Asians, on the other hand, were intelligent but their cowardice made them easy to enslave. He then rationalizes that Greece’ position between Europe and Asia enabled the Greeks to possess a balanced capacity for intelligence and courage that is necessary of conquerors and masters. (Aristotle, Politics, ln. 1327b. 14-20) Thus, Aristotle’s justification of slavery carries with it strains of climatic determinism, which espouses the natural superiority of some races over others brought about by the superiority of the particular climate in their place of habitation. Conversely, the inferiority of the climate leads to the inferior development of human populations. It is worthy to note that in making these claims, Aristotle simply echoes Hippocrate’s earlier observation of the racial dissimilarities arising from regional and climatic disparities. Hippocrates argues, for instance, that Asians display a gentler and more peaceful nature than Europeans because of â€Å"the nature of the seasons, which do not undergo any great changes either to heat or cold, or the like. † (Hippocrates, Airs, Waters, and Places, 16. ln. 2-4) Accordingly, the relative uniformity of seasons in Asia, which causes â€Å"neither excitement of the understanding nor any strong change of the body† (Hippocrates, Airs, Waters, and Places, 16. ln. 5) conditions its inhabitants to a passive existence that predisposes them to slavery. Hippocrates’ ideas therefore serve as the basis used by Aristotle in rationalizing slavery as a natural order among races. Aristotle’s idea of the existence of natural differences between races and the natural superiority of the Greek race makes it easy for him to justify the distinction between Greeks and barbarians that, in his view, justifies the enslavement of the latter by the former. This is illustrated in how Aristotle considers non-Greek cultures and societies as being â€Å"more prone to slavery than the Greeks† (Aristotle, Politics, ln. 1285a. 13) by virtue of their outsider status relative to Greek civilization. This assumption is clearly based on Hippocrates’ survey of the diverse characteristics of populations of different countries with respect to their position relative to sunlight, winds, soil, and waters. In particular, Aristotle draws his assumption of Greek superiority from Hippocrates’ assertion that a country that is â€Å"blasted by the winter and scorched by the sun† produces individuals endowed not only with superior physical beauty and composition but also finer thinking skills that make them â€Å"acute and ingenious as regards the Arts, and excelling in military affairs. † (Hippocrates, Airs, Waters, and Places, 24. ln. 40-49) Aristotle’s climatic determinist thought extends to his idea of the qualities that differentiate a superior individual from the inferior one. For Aristotle, the existence of innate differences in human beings owing to the nature’s design justifies slavery as a natural and beneficial societal arrangement (Aristotle, Politics, ln. 1255a. 1-2) Underlying this claim is clearly the belief that nature creates hierarchies between the superior and the inferior, as shown by the fact that climatic forces shape individuals either into conquerors or slaves. He claims, for instance, that â€Å"those men therefore who are as much inferior to others as the body is to the soul†¦are slaves by nature, and it is advantageous to them to be always under government. † (Aristotle, Politics, ln. 1254b. 11-13) Aristotle attributes the innate inferiority and enslavement of some individuals to â€Å"the first principles of herile and political government† (Aristotle, Politics, ln. 1254b. 2) which shows that â€Å"it is both natural and advantageous that the body should be governed by the soul. † (Aristotle, Politics, ln. 1254b. 4-5) Thus, in the same way, it is proper that â€Å"the soul governs the body as the master governs his slave. † (Aristotle, Politics, ln. 1254b. 3)

Book Commentary on Farewell to Manzanar Essay Example

Book Commentary on Farewell to Manzanar Essay Example Book Commentary on Farewell to Manzanar Paper Book Commentary on Farewell to Manzanar Paper Book commentary on Farewell to Manzanar Jeanne Wakatsuki Houstons book. Farewell to Manzanar, was about Japanese- americans during World War II, but more importantly was based off of her childhood life and experiences. Through Jeannes true life story, readers get a grasp of what it was like to be a Japanese individual in America. Jeanne and her family try as hard as they can to remain stable under the conditions of discrimination. The book goes into detail about the war and the otherness in America. The chapter titled mies Yes No No reveals a central tension of fear in America through the characters reactions to the draft application, reveals a dilemma of distrust by the way Japanese-Americans were treated in America, and lets the reader know about how discombobulated the war effort really was. mies Yes No No reveals a tension of fear through the characters reactions in the book. A tension of fear is presented in this chapter through Jeannes brother Woody. But if I answer Yes Yes I will be drafted anyway, no matter how I feel about it. That is hy they are giving us the oath to sign. (89) Woody is tense about draft application because he knows he has to answer Yes Yes. Woody knowing that he will go to war makes him even more frightened. Papa is also aware that his son must answer Yes Yes, but is fearful of losing a son to a war. Papa became frustrated and turned to drinking. Much arguing took place between the Japanese people in Manzanar because of the draft, which revealed their tense and fearful state. The Japenese- Americans had no choice but to go to war against their home country. Not only were Japanese-Americans scared, but many Americans feared any Japanese person they saw and could not trust them. A dilemma of distrust about is revealed through the way the Americans treated the Japanese-Americans. The Americans started to not trust any Japanese individual since the bombing of Pearl Harbor. Americans became frightened by Japanese people within America so they put them in camps such like Manzanar. On top of that, they made Japenese man within the camps sign up for the draft to fight against their home country. After the war, many Americans still had their doubts about Japanese- Americans. Jeanne asks her friend Radine if she could Join the girl scouts, but Radines mother declines her request Just because she is Japanese. ( ) Japanese people in America were discriminated and it is as if the Americans had a some kind of reputation to keep. Jeanne and her family would try their best to be optimistic and eventually gained some respect. The tension of fear and dilemma of distrust lets the reader know about how discombobulated the war effort was. America expected more from its citizens in this time of war. America took necessary precautions by putting Japanese-Americans into camps. On the other hand, instead of Americans being loyal to their country by volunteering to fght in the war, a draft was issued and resulted in drafting some soldiers that were part or fully Japanese. America made life a living hell for Japanese people within their country. Americans were supportive of their country, but afraid. They trusted their soldiers over seas, but not the people within their borders. America put in effort, but not enough considering that they had to use the Atomic bomb. The time during World War II was a strange, tense period, where no one knew who they could trust. The chapter mies Yes No No reveals the tension of fear and dilemma of distrust about the war and otherness in America. This otherness in America was the way Americans reacted/treated the Japanese individuals within their country. The war effort was there for America, but was strange as they turned to their enemies Oapanese-Americans) in search for allies.

Postwar Petroleum Order

Postwar Petroleum Order Post-1945, there emerged an international oil establishment named the postwar petroleum order. Before 1939, the output of petroleum in the Middle Eastern countries was not high and the region contributed only a marginal share to the world petroleum production.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Postwar Petroleum Order specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Before the postwar years, British Petroleum (BP) was the dominant player in the petroleum market however, after the war, five American companies broke BP’s monopoly. This postwar order was characterized by a corporate consolidation of the major oil companies in the Middle East. The primary aim of the order was to maximize the production of petroleum in the Persian Gulf and supply the increased postwar energy requirement of the Europe (Citino 137). By 1948, United States had become one of the major importers of petroleum from the Middle Eastern countries. The era of C old War diplomacy saw a rise in the energy requirement of the country, which made the rich oil resources of the Gulf indispensable to the endeavor (Painter Oil, Resources, and the Cold War 489). The oil from the gulf was important as this provided a cheap source to help reconstructing the damage World War II had done on Europe. Further, defending the tattered Europe after the war was essential to guarantee development in the US. The postwar petroleum order consisted of a tangible infrastructure resource to deliver oil to the European countries. The only infrastructure that supported the petroleum order then was the Suez Canal, and two other pipelines in the Middle East (Citino 137). The political volatility of the Middle East in the postwar years only created greater problems for the petroleum order. Further, the creation of Israel in 1948 only added to the problems of the order as the Arab League members were skeptical of the Jewish nation and created a state embargo on supplying p etroleum to the Western countries.Advertising Looking for essay on business economics? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Thus, the postwar petroleum order, marred by volatility in oil supply due to regional conflict and political condition of the Gulf, was annihilated. Thus, post 1970s the United States under the administration of President Bush started diversifying the oil sources. This ended the postwar petroleum order to bring forth a new order. This paper probes into the postwar petroleum order. Initially the paper will concentrate on delineating the reasons behind rise of the post petroleum order and the reasons that contributed to their downfall. The paper will then discuss what the new petroleum order was and the reasons why this order came into being. Then drawing from the reasons of rise and demise of postwar petroleum order, the paper will try to intuitively understand the probable fate of the new order. Ris e and Fall of the Postwar Petroleum Order One of the key outcomes of the World War II was postwar control over natural resources (Painter, Oil, Resources, and the Cold War 486). The prewar and postwar petroleum order saw a marked coalition between the United States and Great Britain to control the production and supply of oil in the market in order maintain stability in the oil market. In 1944, the two countries were signatories of the Petroleum Agreement, which formally established the joint control over the oil resources of the Gulf. Thus, the emergence of an Anglo-American collaboration created a postwar oil order (Citino 139). As early as 1933, Standard Oil of California had signed agreement with the King of Saudi Arabia, as the US oil companies were skeptical of the influence of the United Kingdom over the Saudi oil reserves due to the financial constraints of the Arab king. In 1943, the US government survey pointed out that the Middle East had become the â€Å"center of gravi ty† and the â€Å"world oil production† was â€Å"shifting from the Gulf-Caribbean region to the Middle East† (Painter, Oil, Resources, and the Cold War 493).Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Postwar Petroleum Order specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Before World War II, the US government provided diplomatic support to the private US companies like Standard Oil Company of California and Texas Company, to receive concession in foreign countries. However, with the end of the war, the US government entered into an agreement with Britain to collaborate and not compete in pursuing the oil resources in Middle East. However, this Anglo-American oil agreement was opposed by private US companies, who feared would reduce oil prices, due to cheap imports from Gulf due to government intervention (Painter, Oil, Resources, and the Cold War 493). These issues were believed to be strong by a few members of the Cong ress, which resulted in a return to the Open Door diplomacy where private companies would operate in security, and profitably as government, initiative was limited to indirect involvement with oil matters in the Gulf. However, the US government had to take an active interest in the volatile political situation in the Middle East due to rise in Islamic nations. During the World War II, Iran was occupied by the erstwhile USSR and the UK. Strategic analysts believed Iran to be vital for both the US and the USSR due to the critical geopolitical location of the country and its abundant oil resources. Right after the war, in the early forties, Iran too wanted to attract US oil companies in order ease the influence of the USSR and Britain. US on the other hand, wanted to remove foreign influence and military occupancy in Iran, sought to influence the Iranian government to recover the natural resources. The Truman Doctrine helped the US established its control over the northern region of Ir an, Turkey, and Greece, therefore, establishing control over the eastern parts of the Mediterranean and Middle East (Painter, Oil, Resources, and the Cold War 495). This helped the country to retain control over the oil resources in the Middle East and prevented the entry of the USSR in the region. The reason for this political move of the US was vested with two intent – first was to ease off the balance of payment problems of the country through increasing business of oil through US companies in the US, and second, keeping the Soviet out of Middle East thus, establishing control, in order to establish a military base, which can launch an attack on Soviet Russia in the event of a war (Citino 140).Advertising Looking for essay on business economics? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More This was the time when there occurred all the â€Å"great oil deals† in order to secure the expansion of the oil supply in Middle and Near East. The result of this was the formation of the private system of an international production management that helped in oil production in Middle East and its incorporation with the global market. The US government strategically gained control over half of the oil share in Middle East by coordinating with the large private oil companies and the oil rich Arab nations. The postwar petroleum order was a profitable venture for the US oil companies and a political and strategic success for the US until the formation of Palestine in 1947. President Truman supported the UN plan to partition Palestine into two parts and recognize the state of Israel was the first step to offend the Arab partners. This created an opening for the USSR to enter the Middle Eastern oil industry in 1950 and 1960s. This helped in the expansion of the automobile industry in Western Europe and Japan in between 1950 and 1970 (Painter, Oil, Resources, and the Cold War 498). The main issue with the arrangement of the west with the Middle East arose with the rise of the question of limiting western military capability in the Middle East and the declining power of Britain. The main issue that the US faced strategically was not military threat from the USSR, rather the growth of anti-Western feeling and Islamic nationalism in the Middle East. This instilled a fear among the US policymakers that this rise of Arab nationalism could facilitate the expansion of the Soviet in the region. Both Britain and the US wanted retain control over the Middle Eastern oil resources for strategic reasons, but disagreed on the nature of diplomacy to be used to counter the rise of nationalism in the region (Painter, Oil, Resources, and the Cold War 499). The US was in favor of meeting the demand of the nationalists of higher share in profits from the oil industry as long as they did not post a threat to the US strategic control and the operations of the private corporate in the Middle East. On the other hand, Britain’s balance of payment was more dependent on the oil revenues from the Gulf and therefore, was reluctant to give into the demand of the nationalists. The Anglo-Iranian oil venture was critical for Britain as this was its most important overseas investment and the country’s balance of payment was largely dependent on it (Painter, â€Å"Oil, Resources, and the Cold War† 499). United States too shared similar apprehensions regarding the rising Arab nationalism but it was more concerned with the effect the forceful reverse-nationalization in Gulf by Britain would have on the emerging turmoil in Iran (Painter, Oil, Resources, and the Cold War 499). The US believed any adverse move by the British would undermine the position of the Iranian shah enhancing the position of the pro-Soviet Tudeh party, and may result in an interven tion from within the region. The nationalization of the Suez Canal by the Egyptian nationalist leader, Gamal Abdel Nasser, created problems for the passage of oil from the Gulf to the West, as the canal was the chief passage for the western companies. To worsen the situation, Britain along with France and Israel developed a plan to gain control over the canal and avenge Nasser’s action through military retaliation. Due to this, Syria and Saudi Arabia stopped their supply of oil to these countries. Britain and France believed that the US would help them by supplying oil during the war torn years. However, President Eisenhower refused to provide petroleum to Britain and France and threatened to cut away all aid to Israel if they did not refrain from the attack. This strong pressure from the US government helped to stop the impending war, and major oil companies supplied Europe with oil as long as the canal did not open. The Suez crisis was a burning example to the western world the rising Arab nationalism posed to the western world. Thus, it altogether was a threat to US plans to rebuild Western Europe with the oil from the Gulf. Nasser pushed the cause of Arab nationalism to gain control of their oil resources and use to further political agenda of the Middle East. The main aim was to reduce western dominance in their oil resources, economic development of the Arab nations who were not rich in natural resources, and annihilation of Israel (Painter, Oil, Resources, and the Cold War 501). The fear was surmounted due the mutual distrust between the USSR and the US. The latter constantly feared that turmoil in the Middle East would open the doors for the Soviet and their allies to take control over the oil rich region, adding to their military and economic position. The US was always skeptical of the Soviet influence in the region, and therefore, Eisenhower helped the rise of the conservative Islamists in the region to drive away communism and nationalism fr om the region (Painter, Oil, Resources, and the Cold War 500). The key rout through which oil was marketed to the Western Europe was through Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan (Painter, Oil, Resources, and the Cold War 501). For formation of the United Arab Republic through the joining of Syria and Egypt in 1958 only created additional problem to the oil route. Further, a coup on the pro-west monarchy of Iraq through a nationalist revolution in July 1958 created additional problems. US assumed Nasser’s interference in the coup but refrained from any military retaliation, as it would have destabilized the situation further. However, the leaders of the nationalist party who helped the coup, agreed to respect the agreement with US and Britain regarding oil supply from the country (Painter, Oil, Resources, and the Cold War 502). Both the western countries sent army to Lebanon and Jordan, to reestablish control over the region (Painter, Oil, Resources, and the Cold War 502). Howeve r, the possibility of communist control of Iraq and other Middle Eastern countries posed a special problem, especially during the Cold War era. Iraq posed a threat to the Arab nationalism and garnered support from Britain who viewed Nasser of Egypt as a greater threat. However, the US believed that communist inclination of the Iraqis could pose a greater threat to the volatile condition of the Middle East and by extension to the oil issue of the west. With the disassociation of General Abd aI-Karim Qasim from the Baghdad Pact and his increasing association with the Iraqi Communist Party created further drift between Nasser and Qasim (Painter, Oil, Resources, and the Cold War 502). In 1961, after Kuwait gained sovereignty, Qasim declared that Kuwait was a part of Iraq. Kuwait being the fourth largest oil producing country was the largest supplier to Britain (Painter, Oil, Resources, and the Cold War 503). If Kuwait was to become a part of Iraq, it would be an unprofitable situation f or Britain and US, and so they sent troops to Kuwait to safeguard the country from Iraqi attack (Painter, Oil, Resources, and the Cold War 503). The Arab League quickly followed suit with troops from Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and United Arab Emirates, thus helping in successful evacuation of troops from Kuwait, yet maintain control over their stakes in Kuwait’s oil resoruces (Painter, Oil, Resources, and the Cold War 503). The US along with Britain aimed to annihilate the rising power of Qasim and the communist party in Iraq, and therefore brought forth the Bath Party in 1963. With the formation of the Organization of Petroleum Producing Countries (OPEC) consisting of the major oil producing and exporting countries like Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, and Venezuela in Baghdad in 1960 (Painter Oil, Resources, and the Cold War 504). OPEC gained power over the prices of oil in the international market, reducing the dominance of the western oil companies to control the internationa l oil prices; it was greatly detrimental to the goals of Arab nationalism. Further, the breaking up of the United Arab Republic and the building of super tanks that could bypass the Suez Canal created further impediment on the nationalist agenda. Thus, it was in the 1960s that the fears of any further soviet take over of the Middle Eastern oil, almost subsided. The New Oil Order The postwar petroleum order thus, emerged through a continuous process of political diplomacy in the Middle East which primarily aimed at gaining control over the oil resources by the US and Britain. The US employed soft diplomacy to control the oil resources of the Middle East and their desire to keep communism away from the region led to various event, which eventually led to the demise of the order. The aim of the US and Britain was simply to establish themselves as the leaders in oil production in the world during the postwar era (Painter, â€Å"Oil and the American Century† 24-26). Some critics o f American policy believe that the soft political approach of America to intervene in the Middle Eastern issues and the creation of the postwar oil order was simply a vehicle to establish American hegemony in the world (Kubursi and Mansur 8). Britain was completely out of the political scenario by 1979, when after the gradual fall of the appeal of the Arab nationalists, there arose a wave of Islamist allegiance in the Middle East. The Suez crisis in 1957 clearly demonstrated that the US would not deter from using force on Middle East if there was a need for it, as was pointed out by President Eisenhower in 1957: â€Å"I think you have, in the analysis presented in the letter, proved that should a crisis arise threatening to cut the Western world off from the Mid East oil, we would have to use force.† (Kubursi and Mansur 8). This point of view came into effect almost two decades later in the conflict between the USSR and US on Afghan soil, after the fall of the shah of Iran to the rising Islamic forces. Many believe that hegemonic control over the Middle Eastern oil remains the source of global power for the US (Kubursi and Mansur 9). Thus, the picture became clearer in 1973 when OPEC quadrupled the prices of oil in the wake of Israel-Arab conflict (Kubursi and Mansur 9). Critics of American hegemony in Middle East have pointed out that the Gulf War orchestrated against Iraq in the nineties was aimed at establishing democracy in an authoritarian rule of Saddam Hussein and the western intervention aimed to safeguard Kuwait from the autocratic, illegal, invasion but the a means to control over the Kuwaiti oil resources (Frank 268). Had the intentions of the western allies and champions of democracy been pure they would have waged similar war against South Africa for continued apartheid policy, or Iraq’s invasion of Iran, or the USSR’s invasion in Afghanistan (Frank 268). Thus, evidently the reason was oil and managing some other domestic econ omic problems (Frank 271). Iraq was also trying to handle the economic pressure that oil industry had posed on its economy due to the recession (Billion 691). The oil politics shaped the foreign policy of the US in the postwar era. The petroleum order then created was through soft politics, which established the private, oil companies from the US to have control over petroleum from the world’s oil rich regions. However, with the Gulf War, political and military volatility, and increasing dependence of the US on the oil resources of the Middle East created major economic problems for US. Further, the rise of OPEC as a monopolistic controller of the oil supplies globally also posed a major problem to the hegemonic control of the US over the oil resources. This led to the establishment of the new oil order by the Bush administration to maintain their supremacy and continue the flow of oil to the western hemisphere. The aim of the US was to look for new oil rich regions that woul d become sources of cheap oil. However, the lessons from the past history of the control over oil has led to believe that even if initial control can be established over the poor, but oil rich regions, eventually they emerge as a force in the world politics undermining the hegemony of the west. Billion, Phhillipe Le. Corruption, Reconstruction and Oil Governance in Iraq. Third World Quarterly 26.4-5 (2005): 685 – 703. Print. Citino, Nathan J. Defending the ‘postwar petroleum order’: The US, Britain and the 1954 Saudi†Onassis Tanker deal. Diplomacy and Statecraft 11.2 (2000): 137-160. Print. Frank, Andre Gunder. Third World War: A political economy of the Gulf War and the new world order. Third World Quarterly 13.2 (1992): 267-282. Print. Kubursi, Atif A. and Salim Mansur. Oil and the Gulf War: An American Century or A New World Order. Arab Studies Quarterly 15.4 (1993): 1-17. Print. Painter, David S. Oil, Resources, and the Cold War. T (2010):. Leffler, Me lvyn P. and Odd Arne Westad. The Cambridge History of the Cold War 1. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010. 486-506. Print. - . Oil and the American Century. The Journal of American History 99.1 (2012): 24-39. Print.

My Only Loving Idol Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

My Only Loving Idol - Essay Example My father worked very hard, right after he finished college because he had no other option, but to work hard and to be successful, if he wanted to continue living in Beijing. Meanwhile, my father had to start everything from zero because his father did not have any money or suggestion to give to him. And this is obviously the gift for the elder generation. Although it could be risky and challenging, my father had never given up the opportunity to maintain his own business until today. He always tells me the story about his struggling process. From these stories, it is quite obvious that my father is proud of his efforts in life and his success. And fortunately, people were given a lot of opportunities to start their own business at that time, so as to overcome the negative impacts of the Chinese Cultural Revolution. Chinese government promised a lot of encouragement to the people, which were designed to help them to start their own business. It is easy to see that people in that part icular generation had the spirit to be entrepreneurs. In my view, the attitude of hard work and frugality that was shaped by the phenomenon of Chinese Cultural Revolution is the main reason behind the creation of wealth in China, in my father’s generation. And this also explains why there was a lot of young Chinese people craving to start their own businesses. Working hard and working independently are the keywords for my father’s generation. Because my father grew up in a very poor family, he had nothing but himself.

The Sherman Antitrust Act Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

The Sherman Antitrust Act - Essay Example This paper illustrates that the Sherman Anti-Trust Act of the year 1890 was put in place in 1890 for the main intention of promoting economic competitiveness. The Act was effective in that it introduced the possibility of control of large corporations that took advantage of their monopoly to overcharge the ordinary citizens. The Act ensured that big corporations could not take advantage of their trusts to rule the market and dictate prices between states. The Act also ensured that the raising of artificial prices was prevented since the market strategies that encourage it, the namely monopoly was capped by the introduction of the Act. Another effect of the Act was that it provided for a way to govern companies that operate between states as there were no prior regulations addressing them. Before those companies charged different prices through different states and exploited the consumers of these states differently. The Act was also effective in that it ensured that the Act’s provisions would be implemented through the authority given to government attorneys and courts. Â  This is by making them responsible for the seeking out and investigation of companies suspected to have violated terms that were specified in the Act. The Act that was put in place to protect the consumers had several strengths that made it an important legislation at a time when consumer rights needed attention. The act saved small businesses that were discriminated by the bigger corporations.